"The Genocidal Class Struggle"
“It is only a short step from a complete economic view of life to one of class struggle - Marxism unites the economically weak into a class, calls them proletarians, and proclaims the struggle against the economically strong, whom it refers to as the bourgeoisie or, more succinctly, the rich; the goal of this struggle is world revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie. The Jew Karl Marx knows nothing of the concept of “the people”—except his own, of course, who lives above the states and are not doomed to destruction by class struggle.
Class struggle, which must be addressed as another cause of the eternal failure of our labor movement, is the most terrible crime of a wicked Jewish brain, an act of violence by the most presumptuous human arrogance against the order of the world and against nature. Every human society, however different it may appear today, has grown organically on the basis of common blood; history is not the result of class struggles, but of racial struggles - it is not economic production that forms society, but blood. Where economic, social, or cultural frivolity has sinned, nature has always intervened with a heavy hand in favor of its iron laws. Centuries may pass, liberalism and Marxism may try to obscure this truth, but National Socialism is already the balancing force of nature; it will restore the order that is not the result of supposed human reason, but the work of a spirit that reigns above all human presumption.
The rift in our people has been exacerbated by the arbitrary limitation of the concept of the worker - according to Marxism, only manual laborers have the right to call themselves workers. The division of peoples into an economically weak and an economically strong class might not lead to the desired success under certain circumstances, namely if the economically weak were given the opportunity to become economically strong; that is why the artificial social contrast between manual laborers and intellectual workers had to be created. Here the diabolical intention of the Jew Karl Marx comes to light - the guiding principle of Marxism is not the solution of the social problem, not the struggle against capitalism, not the economic uplifting of the economically weak, but the genocidal class struggle, the doctrine of the destruction of the nation.
Who would have wanted to oppose the fact that the dispossessed, the wage earners, the manual workers, would unite to protect their economic interests? Everyone has the inviolable natural right to represent their own economic interests; who could have prevented the manual workers, the proletariat, from eventually forcing their political rights? All this was justified; no, the worker was obliged to do so! But where class struggle begins, the suicide of the nation begins, and with it the suicide of the proletariat and the worker.
National Socialism wants to close the gap in our people and restore its organic unity - for it, every person who works in the service of productive labor is a worker. In order to protect economic or professional interests, workers and employers in the National Socialist state are to be united in their classes and, within their classes, in turn into workers and employers; like the employer, the worker also has the right to unite economically. For the same reason, National Socialism also recognizes the right of workers to form trade unions in the present state, without, however, identifying itself with today's trade unions, since these are almost exclusively misused for party purposes and often have no other significance than to provide professional shelter for Marxist traitors to the working class.
The programmatic principles of class struggle are laid down in Karl Marx's “Communist Manifesto” and scientifically substantiated by the same author in a three-volume work entitled “Das Kapital”. Marx clearly expressed his opinion of this supposedly scientific substantiation, which no manual laborer can understand and no intellectual can read without aversion, in a letter to a friend; he himself ironically describes his justification as “so monstrously scientific” that Bismarck cannot take action against it - in other words, the cunning Jew Karl Marx transferred his criminal political propaganda into the realm of science because he feared persecution by Bismarck.
The consequences of class struggle are no longer a matter of dispute today - the young generation, unburdened by the past, the young Germany, whose life has been condemned to cruel, inhuman slavery by the sins of their fathers, and, not least, the silent millions of the lost world war, have risen together as relentless judges before the death doctrine of Marxism to demand reckoning - National Socialism is taking on the task of carrying out this demand. It sees itself as having a duty to represent economic interests, but rejects any struggle that even touches the nation as a whole, as a society; from an economic point of view, the people are an indivisible working community for the promotion of productive work for the common good: Every citizen is a worker, and work is the duty of every citizen. Those who do not want to work, that is, those who do not want to assume their duties toward the whole, must renounce the rights that this whole grants them through the state.
National Socialism understands capitalism as the rule of capital over labor, the economy, the state, and the people; this rule, which is most brutally evident in the imperialism of international finance, must be broken. Capital must serve the national economy, the national economy must serve the state, and the state must serve the people. Capital in itself is not harmful to the common interest; Marxism also admits this by not seeking to eliminate capital, but only to take it out of private hands and transfer it to the state. Our struggle is therefore not directed against capital, but against the rule of capital over labor, the people, the state, and the economy, and against its abuse for selfish purposes. Capital is a factor of production, as is labor; labor and capital are the only two factors of production, and stand side by side on an equal footing when it recognizes the state as their arbiter. Labor is under the special protection of the state.
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As already mentioned, Marxism wants to take capital away from the individual and hand it over to the society it strives for; this is supposed to benefit everyone, but in fact, this kind of socialization must inevitably lead to unproductivity and the death of the economy.
As is well known, Lenin abolished private property in 1917 after the Bolshevik Revolution - the result was that the Russian nation was plunged into famine, which cost millions of lives; Lenin therefore introduced the New Economic Policy in April 1921, with he himself saying that the Marxist experiment had brought about a terrible defeat on the entire economic front. The conclusions Lenin drew from the collapse of the Marxist economy in Russia were that he reintroduced private property and, in particular, divided the land among the peasants.
There is no doubt that if any state can engage in Marxist economic experiments, it is Russia. Russia has a huge share of the earth's surface - while in Germany about 136 people are forced to earn their living from one square kilometer of land, in Russia only about 37 people live on the same area. Russia is a country of immeasurable economic wealth; what is possible in Russia is still far from possible in Germany. It is proof of political incompetence to believe that the conditions of one country can be transferred to another. In Russia, all that is needed to make a people economically rich is labor; capital exists in abundance in the most diverse forms and only needs to be tapped. If millions still had to die of hunger, this can only be due to the boundless failure of Marxist economic theories, as Lenin himself admitted without hesitation. If one wanted to try out Marxist economic theories on the economy in Germany, this would not mean the starvation of millions, but the certain death of a third of all Germans, i.e., about 20 million people who can no longer be supported by German soil; that in turn means starvation for the urban population, i.e., primarily the proletariat, because the rural population will still be able to feed itself, albeit poorly, even if it is expropriated but forced to produce food and the like.
Marxism is suicide, especially the suicide of the worker; if, despite this, large masses of people in Germany are being kept in the grip of Marxist socialist delusion by the Social Democratic and Communist parties, then this stems not only from the malice of the Jews, but also from the guilt of the Marxist parties, which cannot admit the bankruptcy of their theories for fear of being crushed by the masses they have misled for almost a century.
National Socialism sees labor and capital as the two factors of production; it cannot therefore be its task to expropriate the people, but rather, it has set itself the opposite task of appropriating the people; work and performance are the prerequisites for this. Only a people that owns property can maintain an economy that secures bread for all workers.
The private economy cannot be abolished for another reason - not every state administration needs to degenerate into bureaucracy. However, an administrative machinery as comprehensive as the Marxist one, which is also responsible for the economy, inevitably not only bureaucratizes itself, but also reduces production due to a lack of competition and, not least, a lack of suitable administrative personnel. Germany, however, needs economic production in the most extreme sense if it wants to maintain and even increase its population in a space that is far too small; it therefore needs the invigorating element of competition, which awakens all forces, and it needs, not least, the enormous power of private initiative, that is, the daring and entrepreneurial spirit of the 65 million Germans, if an economy in Germany is to secure the existence of our people. This does not mean that National Socialism wants to open the gates to a new era of liberalism and breed a new form of capitalism; private initiative finds its limits in the National Socialist state where it begins to endanger the common good and become exploitation. Legislation, the equalization of capital and labor, and the supremacy of the state will ensure this.
National Socialism therefore means the struggle against liberalist exploitation and the struggle against Marxist expropriation mania.
Finally, property is necessary for another reason - as long as there have been human beings, they have been filled with an irrepressible striving to move forward and upward; this striving also has its material and economic justification. Marxism opposes this striving with its egalitarianism and expropriation, creating a deadly barrier; at this barrier, all upward mobility ceases and life comes to an end. Marxism is violence against human nature; National Socialism is upward mobility for all hard-working people, i.e., creators or workers.
It is a brazen lie of Marxism when it presents what it calls the social question, i.e., the economic satisfaction of the proletariat, as a question of just distribution and gives the impression that it is only necessary to distribute the goods of production justly in order to eliminate the misery of the masses. Socialism is not primarily a question of distribution, but of production; the misery of the propertyless does not originate solely in the one-sided accumulation of capital by the bourgeoisie; rather, it is the disproportion, the tension between population and land area that conditions the proletariat and its misery. With this, it is clear that socialism is at the same time a question of national policy, and even more than that, it becomes clear that true nationalism is nothing other than socialism, and true socialism is nothing other than nationalism; this age-old truth, despite all the internationalization of the economy brought about by liberalism and Marxism, becomes all the more apparent at a time when our people are being held in check by Versailles and the treaties that resulted from it.
The era of the global economy is coming to an end, along with the era of liberalism and Marxism; the national economy is reasserting its rights. Not only economically, but also socially, our people are an indivisible whole for National Socialism. Even more than the economic class struggle, the social class struggle has betrayed the interests of the workers and robbed our people of their vitality; the class struggle and class prejudice of those “at the top” were just as harmful as the class struggle and class consciousness of those “at the bottom.” While citizens and proletarians fought each other to the death, Germany's enemies were able to prepare for their world war; while the struggle between workers and employers raged in Germany, the murderous imperialism of international finance was able to establish its rule over citizens and proletarians! It is no coincidence that the world war broke out against us when the proletariat and the bourgeoisie were equally strong in Germany and the power of the people had been neutralized by class struggle; it is a historical fact that in August 1914, Germany's external enemies placed all their hopes in Marxism and social democracy. Historical research will one day have to determine the full extent of the interrelationship between the class struggle and the outbreak of the world war.
National Socialism knows no citizens and no proletarians; it knows only Germans; the only measure of value for a member of the national community is his service to the people. The barricades of the old liberal and Marxist society will fall, and in the future, those who fulfill their duty to the German blood community as workers and fighters, those who are servants of the state, will be socially acceptable - the best servants shall be the leaders. Only those who assume duties can retain rights, and the harshness of the laws and the contempt of the people shall fall upon those who shirk their civic duties or believe they can live at the expense of the people as a whole. From National Socialism arises the new national community, which knows no difference between manual and intellectual workers, but does know the difference between good and bad Germans.”
From “Tod dem Marxismus - Es lebe der Nationalsozialismus” (Death to Marxism - Long Live National Socialism) by Robert Wagner, 1932